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Two competing Islamic schools of thought emerged, one in Qom, the other in Jeddah. Each responded by exporting ideologically tailored religious beliefs that justify their rule. The Iranian revolution and the Grand Mosque seizure forced the Iranian and Saudi elites to develop new survival strategies. The regime's paradoxical bargain led to the export of explicitly anti-American Salafist Wahhabism at a time when the Saudis relied on the West for security. It permitted Sunni clerics to impose their fundamentalist version of anti-Western Islam at home, halting social and economic liberalization. The monarchy crushed the rebels but took up their cause for political expediency. In Saudi Arabia in 1979, insurgents seized the Grand Mosque in Mecca and repudiated the House of Saud. In response, the Saudis adopted the insurgents' ideology as their de facto domestic and external policy, sowing the seeds of anti-Western jihadism. Saudi insurgents seized the Grand Mosque in 1979 and denounced the House of Saud for abandoning the puritanical path of Wahhabism. For instance, Iran promotes a Shiite pilgrimage to Karbala in Iraq to undermine the hajj to Mecca. All of this takes place along geopolitical, military, economic, and ideological lines. The regime's foreign policy objectives include exporting its religious-political doctrine, empowering Shiite peoples abroad, undermining Western interests in the Middle East, and establishing itself as a regional hegemon. The Iranian revolution created a militant Shiite theocracy that advances a hostile anti-Western form of Islam. The Ghosts of 1979Ĭompetition between Iran and Saudi Arabia has been a staple of regional politics since two momentous events in 1979: the Iranian revolution and the siege of the Grand Mosque in Mecca. In the meantime, Washington must do what it can to manage, rather than resolve, the conflict and shape the regional context in its favor. The ideal solution would be for both states to transform into democracies that no longer see each other as adversaries. Peace in the region will remain elusive as long as Tehran and Riyadh remain on a collision course. Exporting the conservative Saudi form of Islam validates royal rule in a similar way. The ritualistic chant of "Death to America" at Iranian state-sponsored events is merely part of the script. They are natural enemies that justify themselves by labeling each other apostates. The purist version of Shiite Islam propagated by Iran and the Saudi-Sunni Wahhabi version are mirror images of each other. These external interventions bolster foreign clients who, in turn, support the patron regime back home, further legitimizing Tehran and Riyadh's roles as regional hegemons. Both countries support proxy militias that align with their own politics, and both interfere in their neighbors' affairs to advance their own interests. Iran and Saudi Arabia have their fingerprints on every battleground in the Middle East. Competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia has been a staple of regional politics since two events in 1979: the Iranian revolution and the siege of the Grand Mosque in Mecca. Demonstrators mark the anniversary of the 1979 takeover of the U.S.